While each Central Asian nation adopts subtly different approaches to Israel, they are generally more pragmatic than those in the Middle East.

Nowadays, relationships with Israel are controversial. Its ongoing wars against Iran, as well as the groups Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, make the State of Israel the focal point of international attention.  

What about Central Asia? The region is dominated by Muslim-majority, largely Turkic countries, a profile that might suggest indifference to Israel at best and hostility at worst. However, the region has taken a different approach toward the Jewish state even after hostilities began in Gaza. This contrasts sharply with other nations, and the decision reveals much about Central Asia’s careful diplomatic strategy toward the world’s powers. 

Kazakhstan: Israel’s Strongest Partner in Central Asia

Israel’s best friend in Central Asia is undoubtedly Kazakhstan. The region’s largest and most prosperous country made headlines in November of 2025 by joining the Abraham Accords, the US-backed peace initiative to normalize relations between Israel and other Muslim-majority countries. 

But Israeli-Kazakh relations go further back. Upon its separation from the Soviet Union in 1992, Israel was among the first countries to recognize Kazakh independence. In 1995, both countries quickly exchanged ambassadors and established normal diplomatic ties, including trade and investment on “most-favored nation” terms. 

Today, Israeli-Kazakh relations remain robust. Indeed, they are critical for Israel. Along with Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan supplies a significant portion of Israel’s oil imports. This is crucial for Israel’s energy security, especially during a time of war, as it remains under decades-long trade boycotts by many of its oil-rich Arab neighbors. Moreover, shortly after the terrorist attacks of October 7, 2023—the largest targeted attack on Jews since the Holocaust—Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev was one of the first leaders of a Muslim-majority nation to condemn the events and call for the release of hostages. 

Even with an Islamic majority, the country—like much of Central Asia—has historically been tolerant of Jews, dating back to the 1940s. Many Jewish refugees fleeing Europe found safe harbor in Kazakhstan, where a sizeable number of German, Polish, and Hungarian Jewish populations temporarily resettled. Though that population, at its height 100,000 strong, has since declined due to emigration back to Europe or to independent Israel, the tolerance of Judaism has mitigated in favor of open ties with Israel.  

Kazakhstan’s history further shapes this tolerance of Judaism. During the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan was a destination for many ethnic groups expelled from Soviet republics that feared their nationalism. The country is, thus, an ethnic milieu comprising Russian, Ukrainian, German, Tatar, Kurdish, Chechen, Korean, Turkish, and Uyghur populations. Pluralism makes Kazakhstan a culturally tolerant nation and mitigates anti-Semitism that colors relations with Israel in other Islamic-majority countries. 

Relations with Israel are a big opportunity for Kazakhstan. Beyond oil, a lucrative revenue source, the country can sell many minerals, such as sulfur and coal, to Israel, whose small size deprives it of many natural resources. Chief among these is uranium, of which Kazakhstan is the world’s leading producer. The country has even offered to store Iran’s enriched uranium should a lasting deal between Iran and the United States regarding the former’s nuclear capabilities materialize. 

Kazakhstan, meanwhile, benefits from Israeli exports of special goods such as fertilizers and medical equipment. The trade surplus favors Kazakhstan. 

Beyond economics, however, Kazakhstan reinforces its credibility with the West through its strong relationship with Israel. Chief among that audience is the United States, which applauded Kazakhstan’s decision to join the Abraham Accords. By strengthening ties with Israel, Kazakhstan improves its standing with the United States, helping it secure critical-mineral deals and build goodwill.  

Central Asia’s foreign policy in the 21st century has moved toward equidistance among the major powers. Central Asian states are moving away from Russia’s political orbit and cultivating commercial ties with China. Kazakh and other leaders view relations with the United States very much as a counterweight to China, wary of replacing one suzerain in Russia with another. To vitalize them, ties with Israel are a costless vector that does not implicate core Russian or Chinese interests while building bridges with America. For the region, the road to Jerusalem ultimately leads to Washington. Astana is taking it. 

Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan: Three Passive States 

Unlike Kazakhstan, three other Central Asian republics—Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan—have a different tenor of relations with Israel. All three have diplomatic ties with the country that began shortly after their independence, but the relationships aren’t meaningful.  

Israel only opened an embassy in Turkmenistan in 2023. In the Israeli ambassador’s first interview, he identified commercial flights as a potential growth area. Kyrgyzstan, meanwhile, has some agri-business relationships with Israel. 

The lack of contacts with Israel does not reflect negative animus toward Israel so much as geopolitical infancy. Israel, like the rest of the world, is a prospective economic partner for them. 

Taking postures on the Israel-Palestine conflict, therefore, are unnecessary at best and could excite opposition from their Islamic populations at worst. This risk is especially high given their Turkic composition. More than Kazakhstan, these countries are majority-Turkic states whose relations with Turkey are lucrative and growing. The conflict in Palestine has opened fissures between Jerusalem and Ankara, and these smaller states do not wish to be caught between them. 

Tajikistan: The Central Asian Nation with the Weakest Israel Connections

Of all of Israel’s contacts with Central Asia, Tajikistan has probably the weakest connection. This is due to the country’s close cultural proximity to Iran. The Tajik population speaks a Persian dialect.  

On the question of Israel, Tajikistan is caught between two rivals—Israel and Iran—unlike any other Central Asian state. Its proximity to Iran precludes a full embrace of Israel, which is underscored by Israel’s unpopularity in the world. However, it cannot afford to link itself too closely to Iran, which is heavily sanctioned and beleaguered by war, nor does it need to. So long as the Israel-Iran conflict persists, Tajikistan is unlikely to make any moves on Israel.

Since independence in 1991, Tajikistan and Iran have enjoyed a close relationship marked by leaders’ visits, high bilateral trade valued at $484 million (exceeding Kazakh-Israeli trade), and Iranian peacemaking in the country, with Tehran mediating a civil war in Tajikistan shortly after its independence. Iran’s former president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, once called the relationship “one spirit in two bodies.” Iran’s current president, Masoud Pezeshkian, has called Tajikistan the “second homeland of the Iranian nation.” 

Notwithstanding this close relationship with Iran, Israel’s biggest regional rival, Tajikistan has maintained some contact with Israel. The countries have diplomatic relations and, in 2025, signed a bilateral tourism treaty. Tajikistan, despite its proximity to Iran, has been strictly neutral on hostilities between Israel and Iran; its only statement on the conflict between them has been in support of ceasefires.

The Future: C5+1 and Azeris 

If Israel has an interest in outreach to Central Asia, it would do well to collaborate with all of its states through a collective framework. “C5+1” is the default used by many foreign powers, such as the United States, China, and India, to engage with Central Asia—whereby all states collectively deal with one partner through that network. Israel could benefit from a C5+1 framework in Central Asia that would facilitate access to critical minerals and to oil and natural gas reserves. Israeli officials already speak of “potential” for the region. 

In such an arrangement, Azerbaijan could be a key factor. The country is Israel’s closest Muslim partner and, increasingly, is collaborating with Central Asia—as a transit point for goods en route to Europe, and as a political ally. In late 2025, the leaders of all five Central Asian countries agreed to add Azerbaijan to the format. If Israel wants a foothold in Central Asia, it’s got one in Azerbaijan. As the region grows fast, the time is ripe for Israel to obtain an early stake. 

About the Author: Arjun Singh

Arjun Singh is a journalist and political columnist in Washington, DC. He has written for The Wall Street Journal, National Review, The Epoch Times, National Post, and The Daily Caller. He previously lived in India for several years and worked for a member of Parliament in the Lok Sabha.

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