In addition to its interest in the F-35, Turkey has sought to buy American-made engines for its TF KAAN fifth-gen fighter jet—a purchase that has raised eyebrows among its neighbors.

Last week, Vice President JD Vance claimed that the Pentagon was once again “reviewing” a potential sale of the F-35 Lightning II to NATO member Turkey, even though existing US law forbids the sale. As long as Ankara continues to maintain the Russian-made S-400 Triumf air defense system, Turkey can’t be allowed to rejoin the fifth-generation program in any way.

That point should be crystal clear by now, but nothing in the Trump administration is ever as it seems. President Donald Trump’s views, and his statements on social media at all hours of the day and night, change like the wind.

The issue of Turkey’s expulsion from the F-35 program goes back to the first Trump administration, but it has become far more confusing in his second term. Trump has personally suggested that Turkey could be readmitted to the program, a stance that JD Vance echoed last week. In April, US ambassador to Turkey and informal Middle East “czar” Tom Barrack said repeatedly that any deal allowing Turkey back into the F-35 program would require Ankara to fully comply with US law, but also suggested the issue could be resolved quickly.

Congressional lawmakers are now stepping in and could introduce a Joint Resolution of Disapproval if the administration attempts to procure any F-35 aircraft from Turkey.

It isn’t just elected officials who are voicing their concerns. This week, the conservative-leaning editorial board at the Washington Examiner issued a stark warning, writing, “Erdogan’s Turkey is no place for the F-35.” The board added that Trump would be making “a serious strategic error if he sold F-35 stealth fighter jets to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government.”

Has Turkey Painted Itself into a Corner on the F-35?

Turkey has had years to resolve this issue, which originated from its highly charged decision to acquire Russian-made S-400 air defense systems in a deal with Moscow in 2017.

Turkey was repeatedly and explicitly warned at the time that the purchase would result in its expulsion from the F-35 program. Washington alerted Ankara that the purchase would trigger sanctions under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). Then-Vice President Mike Pence called the acquisition “reckless” and suggested it risked the security of the NATO alliance, forcing Turkey to choose between the West and Russia.

Despite those objections, Turkey finalized the deal, receiving the first units of the S-400 in July 2019. Once the units arrived, Turkey was immediately expelled from the F-35 program. In December 2020, the US implemented the CAATSA sanctions.

Throughout President Joe Biden’s time in office, multiple diplomatic efforts to resolve the dispute were attempted, including at the June 2021 NATO summit. Yet no final agreement could be reached.

Erdogan likely never expected—or at least didn’t want to believe—that the issue would result in his country’s expulsion from the F-35 program.

The $2.5 billion purchase of the S-400 has heavily constrained the NATO member’s strategic and military options. It is true that Turkey argued it needed a capable air defense system, and the United States was then unwilling to provide the technology transfers and co-production rights that Ankara desired. The S-400 was also seen as a more effective solution that fulfilled its pressing need for a long-range air defense system. It was intended that the purchase would boost Turkey’s sovereign capabilities.

Still, the purchase backfired spectacularly, resulting in the long-standing diplomatic rifts that have left Ankara with an expensive platform that it can’t integrate into the NATO network. Ironically, Turkey has never operationally deployed the S-400s, largely out of a fear that it could face a further NATO backlash and be subject to secondary sanctions—meaning it has gained absolutely nothing from buying them in the first place.

More Than the F-35—GE’s F-110 Engines Are Also in Play

Although the F-35 remains at the center of the ongoing rift between the US and Turkey, the Trump administration also recently notified Congress of a plan that could bypass formal review and allow a $700 million sale of US-made General Electric F-110 fighter engines to Ankara. The engines are intended for use in Turkey’s domestically built next-generation TF KAAN fighter jet.

The White House is pressing ahead with the sale, even as the S-400 issue remains unresolved. Critics have warned that the sale of the GE engines sets the stage for Turkey’s adoption of the F-35.

Erdogan, who is widely characterized as a “strongman” due to his centralization of executive power, suppression of dissent, and long-standing dominance over domestic politics, is also viewed as an ally of Trump’s. The US leader has frequently expressed a preference and personal affinity for rulers like Erdogan over traditional democratic allies.

Trump now seems to want to appease Erdogan, and that apparently includes approving the sale of the engines.

“The US government is prepared to license the export of these items having taken into account political, military, economic, human rights, and arms control considerations,” the State Department said in its notification to Congress regarding the engine sale.

Turkey’s Neighbors Aren’t Too Keen on a Turkish F-35

The ongoing issue of the F-35 and now the proposed F-110 engine sale has raised alarms with multiple US allies—notably Greece and Israel, each a US ally and a regional rival of Turkey. Both nations have long opposed the sale of the F-35 to Turkey, citing security concerns.

“Hardly a day goes by that Erdogan doesn’t call for the destruction of the State of Israel,” Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Sunday. “We take these words very seriously, because if we have learned one thing in the history of our people, when someone says he intends to destroy you, take him seriously. We take things seriously, and we will also draw the attention of our American friends to these statements. We do not ignore them.”

It is a reminder of the complex relationships and the balancing act that come with it when Turkey, Israel, and Greece are involved.

About the Author: Peter Suciu

Peter Suciu has contributed to dozens of newspapers, magazines and websites over a 30-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a contributing writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. He is based in Michigan. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.

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